May 9th, 2028

Malacañang Transition Hall – Policy Advisory Council Meeting

10:42 AM

The temporary policy transition hall wasn't glamorous.

It wasn't designed for photo-ops, influencers, or spectacle.

It was a rectangular hall with white walls, clean lighting, fold-out tables, and rows of labeled seats.

For once, it didn't look like politics.

It looked like work.

Timothy arrived quietly, escorted by a PSG officer to his assigned seat: PRIVATE SECTOR – INDUSTRIAL / ENERGY. A small name card sat on the table.

He wasn't the only one there from private industry. Representatives from major telecoms, major banks, logistics groups, renewable energy firms, and manufacturing councils were seated across different sections.

Government officials, legal transition experts, and former cabinet members sat on the other side.

At the center was the podium.

"Good morning, everyone," a voice said from the door.

Heads turned.

President-elect Len Obredo entered—not with cameras, not with handlers—just a tablet in hand and two staff members behind her. She took her seat at the center of the table, not at a raised podium or distant executive chair.

No speeches.

She simply opened her notes and spoke.

"Thank you for being here. This meeting isn't ceremonial. It's for drafting real transitional measures—what can be implemented immediately, what requires legislative change, and what must be set aside."

She paused, looked at each row.

"This government will prioritize competence and practicality. So I am here to listen—before I speak."

That alone changed the tone of the session.

The moderator called representatives by category.

Manufacturing.

Agriculture.

Transportation.

Telecommunications.

Finance.

Each group had prepared talking points. Most were policy requests—tax incentives, import reforms, digital systems, workforce training. Nothing unusual.

But one theme kept emerging:

"Red tape."

"Permits taking too long."

"Too many agencies."

"Political interference."

The government officials took notes.

No one debated.

Then the moderator looked to the Industrial / Energy section.

"Mr. Guerrero," he said. "You have the floor."

Timothy stood.

He straightened his sleeves, nodded once to the President-elect, then spoke.

"My concerns aren't about taxation or incentives. We can handle taxes. We can handle cost. What we cannot handle is fragmentation."

Some heads turned.

He continued.

"Right now, if a company like mine wants to build a factory—whether it's a semiconductor plant, an EV manufacturing facility, an energy storage site, or a clean room assembly—we need to go through at least twelve different agencies. Clearance from Housing, DTI, BOI, DoST, LGU permits, DENR for land use certification, DOE for energy compliance, PCC for competition review, PEZA for export status, and BIR—each with their own forms, waiting times, and sometimes, vague requirements."

He paused—not for effect, but to let them process it.

"In Singapore," he continued, "there are six approvals. In South Korea—five. In the Philippines—if you're lucky, twenty-four months. Realistically, three to four years before breaking ground."

The moderator nodded slightly. The DOE Undersecretary was quietly taking notes.

"And that's just for manufacturing," Timothy said. "Now consider nuclear."

The room subtly shifted.

Some people leaned forward.

Some raised brows.

He didn't raise his voice.

"Right now, the Philippines has no central authority for nuclear development. DOE handles the energy permit. PNRI regulates safety and compliance. DOST oversees technical certifications. NEDA has to approve feasibility. NTC controls spectrum if we use reactor smart monitoring systems. DENR mandates environmental clearance. Then LGUs still have the final say on land use."

He looked toward the government panel.

"And to be blunt—no investor will wait five to eight years just for a construction permit."

Silence.

Even the President-elect listened closely.

Timothy continued.

"I'm planning to build conventional nuclear power plants and small modular reactors—or SMRs—across this country. That requires clarity. Not shortcuts. Not exemptions. Just clear governance."

A former cabinet member leaned forward, clearing his throat. "But Mr. Guerrero, nuclear will be politically sensitive in many provinces. People fear—"

"People fear what they don't understand," Timothy replied calmly. "Which is why the government's role shouldn't be to sell nuclear—it should be to regulate it properly."

He stepped slightly away from his seat, hands resting lightly on the table.

"Let me be clear. The private sector does not need the government to build reactors. We need it to remove uncertainty."

He clicked his tablet and projected a brief outline.

PROPOSED POLICY REFORMS FOR INDUSTRIAL / ENERGY EXPANSION:

Create a Single Regulatory Authority per Sector.

A "one-stop" government window per major sector—energy, manufacturing, semiconductors, transportation.

All permits consolidated. Streamlined reviews, predictable timelines.

Establish Nuclear Regulatory Framework (Separate from Political Influence).

Form a Philippine Nuclear Regulatory Commission—independent, technical, data-driven.

Fast-Track Strategic Energy Projects (SEZ-Level Priority).

Nuclear, grid storage, gigafactories—automatically classified as national strategic sites.

Foreign Ownership Allowances for Nuclear and Semiconductor Infrastructure

Controlled equity but open for financing, technology licensing, and operational partnerships.

He looked toward Len.

"Madam President-elect, we don't need favors or subsidies. We need predictable rules."

The room stayed silent.

It wasn't defensive silence.

It was consideration.

One of the economic advisors—former finance minister—spoke up.

"Mr. Guerrero," he said seriously, "are you ready for real nuclear deployment? Because once the government streamlines this, there will be expectations."

Timothy didn't hesitate.

"We already have designs. We also have groundwork designs for modular reactor deployment near industrial and transit clusters. We're developing battery storage, hydrogen fuel processing, and testing heavy-grid charging stations for mass transport electrification."

He didn't brag.

He listed facts.

"And we're willing to invest—upwards of 30 billion in five years—if the government can create a regulatory structure that doesn't change every time cabinet members change."

A few heads turned.

Even those skeptical of nuclear energy listened.

Someone from the environmental group asked, "What about safety? Fukushima and—"

"We're not building 1970s reactors," Timothy replied. "We're building fourth-generation systems—passive safety, fail-safe cooling, no meltdown risk, walk-away safe designs. And when the first plant is built, it won't just power homes. It will power industries—factories, transit systems, semiconductor fabs."

The room settled.

The moderator looked toward Len.

Everyone did.

The President-elect leaned forward, hands folded, eyes steady.

"Mr. Guerrero," she said, "if we establish a single nuclear regulatory body—and I'm strongly considering it—can your industry guarantee transparency, safety, and public educational support?"

Timothy nodded.

"We'll open demonstration sites. Public viewing. Safety drills. Real data, not PR slogans."

She held his gaze.

"And if your company moves forward—how soon can we start?"

Timothy answered simply.

"Within one year of regulatory approval."

The President-elect nodded once.

"Then we will create an energy reform working group," she said.

She turned to the moderator. "Add it to priority legislation."

Timothy sat back down.

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